Wersgall

that Bikini Island is not resertled, and the
action, if any, that government will take
should the Bikinians receive radiation doses
in excess of federal standards.
Bur the Bikinians strongly resist the idea
of direct negotiations on resettlement between
the American and the Marshal! Islands governments, for they doubr that the government
of the Marshall Islands would act in their
best interests. When the government came
into existence two years ago, the Bikinians
voted for the losers. And the Marshallese
president, Amata Kabua, is the son of the
iroty whose claim to ownership of their atoll
the Bikinians have rejected.
Ic was the United States. not the Marshall
Islands government. that took possession of

Bikini Acoll. rendered it uninhabitable, and
promised to care for its population until
Bikini Island could be resettled. The United
States has the wherewithal to provide hous-

ing. food support. transportation, monetary
compensation. radiological surveillance. medical care. and arrangements for an eventual

return to Bikini Island: the government of
the Marshall Islands does not. Interposing

the Marshall Islands government in the
formulation and administration ofa resettleMent program can only cause further bureauCratic snags and squabbles of the kinds that
have plagued the Bikinians for 34 years.

If the United States is to fulfill its stated
obligation to the people of Bikini, Congress
must legislare a resettlement program for
them under the direct supervision of the U.S.
government. The separate agreement referred
to in the compact between the United States
and Marshall Islands should incorporate this
Jegislation directly and stipulate that it pre-

empt any other terms of the compact with
which it may conflict.

Beyond Incompetence

The record of U.S. policy toward the

that land was either never questioned or dis-

missed without concern.
The first move of the Bikinians—to Rongerik—was ill conceived and nearly tragic.

The second move—to Kili—has caused unwarranted hardship. The conclusions drawn
from the 1967 survey were wrong. The 1968

decision to move people back to Bikini was

wrong. The AEC focused more on theresettlemenc of Bikini than on the careful assessment

of the island’s safecy. and the constanr reassurances that there were no serious radia-

tion problems were based on incomplete
information. The three-year interagency
bickering over paying for the cost of the ~
radiological survey was deplorable. The
trauma of August 1978, when Bikinians
again were removed from their atoll. might
have been avoided if a comprehensive study
of the islands had been conducted several
years carlicr or if U.S. scientists had been
more honest and conscientious in recognizing their ignorance of the real dangers.

The Bikinians described themselves at a
1978 congressional hearing as “‘victims of
bureaucratic incompetence.’’ But the problem
goes beyond incompetence; it is one of indif-

ference. The Pacific community is perhaps the

only major region of the world today whose

foreign policy is entirely pro-American.
Furthermore, the western perimeter of American strategic defenses has receded over the
past decade from the Asian continent into the
Pacific. Yer che United States continues to
treat the Pacific islands as its back-yard dumping grounds. disregarding the interests and
legitimate nghts of their inhabitants.

It is with an eerie sense of déja vu that one
reads the State Department testimony of
June 1979 regarding potential storage sites
in the Pacific basin for spent nuclear fuel.
State suggests that the ideal location for storing nuclear waste would be an island ‘‘far
from [populous] areas . . . without severe

Bikinians over the past 34 years is dismal.
The legality of the fundamental decision to
appropriate non-U.S. land for military purposes and to remove non-US. citizens from

geologic stabiliry . . . with sufficient land
area including areas for necessary harbor and
airfield facilities.”

96.

97.

weather conditions and having long-term

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