e

3

The interview data does not provide the "typical average" of the local
t.od consumed by the islanders of the various communities. Rather they provide
estimates which approach the "typical average." An interview of forty-four questions cannot provide a direct and straight forward ''typical average" of local
cood actually consumed.

The islanders provide better estimates on food they pre-

pare rather than on food actually eaten.

Within the interview, emphasis was

placed on the amounts of food prepared for the family on a weekly basis, since
this was felt to be the most easily answered question to pose concerning the
‘ocal diet.
Since the Marshallese are by culture food gatherers they know more
yc less how much food they regularly gather and how much they have to cook to

xeep their families adequately fed.

However, not all the food cooked for the

family is eaten.
Since there is no refrigeration, an undetermined quantity of
left-overs 1s probably on many occasions wasted or more likely fed to pigs or in
some cases chickens.
Most families keep a pig or two and at least half the diet
of these pigs consists of left-overs.
Thus, the present study provides a more

isable indication for food cooked but not necessarily eaten by the family.

Another problem in obtaining accurate estimates of food consumption is due

to food sharing, which introduces a significant variable into the calculations

based on the outside observer and interview methods.
Food sharing is a
culturally induced readiness to feed not only family members, but anyone present
as well.
An island society is quite open and islanders roam freely from one
house to another at leisure.
Thus there is a tendency to prepare a larger

amount of food then needed for ones immediate family. The problem then is to estimate the amount of food given away. This is a difficult estimate to make,

6 4

even for an Islander, as it is by no means a consistent
.§ that the Marshallese cook regular amounts, and that
sly accurate estimates on how much they prepare.
It is
tnis the family actually consumes.
To try and pin the

question during an interview is difficult.

amount.
What is known
they can provide reasonanot clear how much of
islanders down on this

Every man knows from habit how much

food he needs to regularly gather to provide for his family.

how much of this food he occasionally gives away.

He can only guess

It was this circumstance that

prompted us to concentrate our interview questions on the amount of food regularly prepared, even though it appears that some portion of this food is given

away.

In the authors' judgement, it seemed best to start with the most reliable

estimates possible, and then to proceed from there with
Lson.

further study and compar-

It should be noted then that the averages obtained from the answers to the

various questions of the interview are in many cases based on food prepared for
family members.

Such averages are labeled per family member (PFM).

They were

computed by dividing the total amount of food prepared by all families by the

74

total number of family members associated with the individual adults interviewed.
Had each member of the family been interviewed (an obviously important

step in future studies) the amount cooked (less the amount wasted) should be
roughly equal to the total amount eaten. Thus, the problem of food sharing
could have been successfully by-passed. However, due to time limitations, the

inability to interview those reluctant to participate, and a concern not to in-

convenience the islanders in any way meant that an inclusive study of all family
members (which would entail active cooperation at all levels of the government

,

of the Marshall Islands) has yet to be completed.

Select target paragraph3