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even than its responsible official leadership the salient fact which must dom
inate any discussion of atomic energy control, namely, that the bomb is not
"just another weapon."
In so far as they serve to awaken American opinion to
the seriousness of the problem and to prepare the minds of Americans for what
must be novel steps in international organization, their propaganda is bene-
ficial.
Furthermore, mach of the discussion of world government right now will
help to focus opinion here and abroad on the question of the ultimate desirability of world government,
It by no means follows that all the arguments adduced
in this’ analysis against working to establish world government in the near
future have relevance in a long-range program.
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If such obvious lines of action as voluntary unification of the world by
establishing world government right now, and its sinister alternative, forcible
unification of the world by the use of Americats atomic might, are to be ruled
out, what is left?
There are two rather simple courses of action which are frequently suggested
and which nced to be briefly examined at this point.
and the "do-nothing" proposals,
These are the "tcll-al]"
The "tell-all" school urges that retention by
the United States alone of the technical knowledge necessary to produce the bomb
will make it impossible for the rest of the world to have confidence in American
good intentions.
Sharing of atomic knowledge is therefore held to be necessary
to dispel the clouds of suspicion which prevent the establishment of cffective
international controls.
' In view of the fact that nuclear physicists are practically unanimous in
believing that present secrets are destined to be short-Lived, the United States
would not appear to be giving away very much; the effect of this proposal might
be only to advance the date upon which the United States would have to bargain
on equal terms with other states in negotiating international control.
If it is
true that the secrets are not of as great valuc as is sometimes implied in the